Malawi 2009 General Election Results Summary

Presidential Election Results
Here's a summary of the presidential elections results, based on the schedule of results released by the Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) at 12:228pm on Saturday, May 23rd 2009.

Candidate	Votes For	Share of Valid Votes
Bingu wa Mutharika (DPP)	2,946,103	65.98%
John Tembo (MCP)	1,370,044	30.69%
Kamuzu Chibambo (PETRA)	35,167	0.79%
Stanley Masauli (RP)	33,887	0.76%
Loveness Gondwe (NARC)	32,160	0.72%
James Nyondo (Independent)	27,328	0.61%
Dindi Gowa Nyasulu (Aford)	20,151	0.45%
Total valid votes:	4,464,840

Parliamentary Election Results

I have reconciled the results of the elections of May 19th as released by the Malawi Electoral Commission with those announced on the radio and circulating on the Internet. I did note a couple of errors on the list that has been doing the rounds on the net. For instance, one seat that was won by the MCP candidate in Dowa South East was allocated to a DPP candidate who actually came second. Another seat that was won by an independent candidate in Thyolo South was listed as having been won by the DPP candidate. In yet another case, two independent candidates were both listed as having won the same seat in Zomba Likangala. In Lilongwe Msozi North, the wrong person was listed as the victor yet the winner was a different person, albeit also an independent. Having made these corrections, here's the final parliamentary list:

Party	Seats Won	Share of Seats
Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)	112	58.33%
Malawi Congress Party (MCP)	28	14.58%
United Democratic Front (UDF)	17	8.85%
Alliance for Democracy (Aford)	1	0.52%
Maravi Peoples Party (MPP)	1	0.52%
Malawi Forum for Unity and Dvt (MAFUNDE)	1	0.52%
Independents	32	16.68%
Total	192

* note that elections were not held in one constituency following the death of one of the contesting candidates.

While the DPP is short of the two thirds majority by 16 MPs, it is worth recalling that a high proportion of the candidates that were elected on an independent ticket were those that were frustrated in one way or another in the DPP primary elections. It is likely that a majority of the 32 independents will side with the DPP when parliament meets. Indeed, already, a number of the new independent MPs have rejoined the ruling DPP, further bolstering the ruling party's numbers before the new Parliament has even met. The opposition parties (MCP, UDF, Aford, MPP and MAFUNDE) between them have a combined total of 48 seats, translating into 25 percent of the seats in the new Parliament.

Parties that will receive Parliamentary Funding

As the numbers currently stand, only the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) with 58.33% and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) will be the only parties entitled to receive parliamentary funding on account of the fact that they have at least 10% of the seats in Parliament. For the first time since 1994, the UDF will not be eligible to receive Parliamentary funding.

More Women in the new Parliament

The campaign to increase the number of women legislators in the new Parliament appears to have had some success, albeit marginally. The 2009-2014 Parliament will have a total of 42 lady legislators (22%) - up by 15 from the last Parliament which had 27 lady MPs (14%). The new figure of 22 percent is still lower than the SADC gender protocol which called upon member states to have a minimum of 30% female legislators.

High Turnover of MPs

One characteristic feature of the May 19th elections has been a high turnover of legislators. The new Parliament retains only 53 of the original 193 legislators that sat in the House in the last Parliament. A whopping 139 of the 2009-2014 Parliamentarians (73%) are entering the National Assembly for the first time (138 if we exclude Khwauli Msiska, who was a member of the House in the 1999-2004 Parliament). The list of casualties applies across the board. The DPP is returning 26 MPs from the last Parliament, while both the MCP hand the UDF have returned 12 each. MPP's Uladi Mussa, and two independents - Cassim Chilumpha and Billy Kaunda are the other three returnees.

Congratulations to Justice Msosa the EC and all Malawians

Justice Anastasia Msosa has done it again! having overseen the successful 1994 elections, she has once again ably led the team that has handled these elections. There have been numerous challenges yes and there is always room for improvement. from talking to people in Malawi, it appears the electoral Commission has done a wonderful job, making these the best organised elections since 1994.
The calm way that the Malawian public conducted itself on polling day and the manner in which the results have been received also deserves our appreciation. We should not take this for granted - we know elsewhere on the continent, election results have sparked violence that in the worst cases, has resulted in multiple deaths. We deserve to pat ourselves on the back for maintaining peace throughout the process.

A new era of politics?

In my previous post, I was predicting a victory for incumbent president Bingu wa Mutharika. I must confess I did not expect the margin of victory that appears to be emerging from the election results as currently being announced. For all intents and purposes, Mutharika appears to be headed for a strong landslide performance. While Bingu is performing strongly in the northern region as predicted, he has also performed just as strongly in the central region and the southern region.
perhaps the biggest surprise is coming in Parliament. While a number of independents are outperforming some DPP candidates in a few areas, by and large, the strong performance of the DPP is being repeated in the Parliamentary race. Indeed, even among the independents that are winning, most are among those that were frustrated in the DPP primary race. In other words, these are essentially DPP candidates that are most likely to go back to their DPP home.
The people's verdict is in - some of us will be talking about what this bodes for the future of the country's democracy, about the future of the opposition, about voting trends in a country long used to regionalistic politics. All that should be put in the context of what the Malawi people want. They cannot be expected to vote for individuals who have failed them just for the sake of maintaining an opposition. they cannot be expected to vote for people from their region even if they are deemed failures. It is the dawn of a new politics.

Predicting the 2009 Malawi Elections

The elections are a mere three days away. The official campaign period ends on Sunday, May 17th at 06:00am.
Being so removed from the ground has meant that I have been unable to make any independent judgments and predictions on the entire process. It is the second election that I will be missing and this gives me a heavy heart. I can only hope that those that have the vote use it on Tuesday and decide on who should be entrusted with the power to exercise the role of President for the next five years and who should also be entrusted with making laws for the same period. There is just no excuse for not voting.
So who are the likely winners and losers from these elections? My predictions, I should stress, are based on second hand information, reinforced by the live radio coverage from Zodiak radio and Capital radio's daily news summaries - two of Malawi's best radio stations).
President: Bingu wa Mutharika faces a tough challenge from MCP's John Tembo, whose electoral fortunes have been boosted by his coalition with the UDF. An Afrobaromter survey conducted late last year gave Mutharika a commanding lead over both Tembo and Muluzi (standing as individual candidates). While the coalition gives MCP and UDF the chance to consolidate their vote, I am not convinced this gives them enough to overturn Mutharika's lead from last October's survey. Yes, a couple of decisions on the DPP side - including running mate selection, confrontational and sometimes ill-advised choice of language that disparages opponents and their supporters alike, might have eroded Mutharika's support among a section of the middle class. However, while this will make the presidential race a tighter race than the Afrobarometer survey data suggested, I still feel Mutharika will sneak in.
Verdict: Mutharika for President.
Parliament: The selection of candidates for the DPP in the primary elections left a lot to be desired. candidates were imposed, while some winners were discarded in favour of preferred names. While DPP is going to increase its numbers in the new Parliament from the six it had in the previous one, it might yet again fall short of a majority. I am also somewhat unsure of the impact of the UDF/MCP coalition on Parliament. Listening to the campaign coverage on Zodiak radio, I cannot help to think that voters are bound to be confused when you have John Tembo / Bakili Muluzi introducing candidates for both parties in the elections that will be competing against each other. This might have an impact on their performance in the elections.
Verdict: another split Parliament

The Law, Madonna and Mercy James

I am intrigued by the High Court's decision to reject Madonna's application to adopt Mercy James. I must say I am torn on this matter: a Big part of me is sympathetic to little Mercy and the opportunities that would have been opened for her if she were to join Madonna's household. I can just imagine how little Mercy will feel when she learns as a grown up that she was denied the opportunity to experience a totally different life from the challenges of living in an orphanage where she seems destined to spend a good part of her young life now.
I am not naive of course. Mercy is just one of thousands of kids like her in Malawi. Just because Madonna sought to take her to join little David does not change much for the plight of orphans in our country. Adoptions like these, in other words, much as they change the lives of the single individual kids, impact very little, if at all, on the challenge of orphans in our country. We need a more holistic approach other than celebrity adoptions to solve the problem.
This does not mean though we should frustrate well wishers like Madonna and other unheralded individuals who want to help by adopting some of our less fortunate children like Mercy. I am a firm believer that the opportunities we get very strongly influence our destiny. While David Banda might have been condemned to a life of underachievement, he now stands to fulfill his full potential and perhaps more due to the world of opportunities opened for him under Madonna's roof. Otherwise, we have too many children growing up in our beautiful country who have so much potential yet they are never given the opportunity to translate this potential into meaningful lives because it remains untapped.
Let me state here though I do not in any way blame the High Court for making the decision it has. It is not for the Court's to make laws for the country- theirs is simply one of interpretation. The blame, in my view, ought to be placed squarely on the feet of our politicians.
The problems in our adoption laws were exposed when Madonna first adopted David Banda a few years back (or most likely earlier when other less glamorous foreign nationals might have faced similar challenges). After that episode, we should have woken up and been proactive to address the deficiencies by amending the law accordingly. Instead, we were preoccupied with the trivial political games that appear to be the hallmark of our politics at the expense of addressing serious issues that affect us. It is thus hypocritical for all manner of politicians, including cabinet Ministers, to make noises against the ruling when it is precisely their fault that they did not act. To hear the likes of Patricia Kaliyati and Anna Kachikho speaking on the matter makes me realize these people have no clue as regards what their role is in law making. Had the law been changed, the Court's would have ruled differently. It was not.It it would thus be unfair to blame Judge Esmie Chombo - she was simply doing her job and applying the law as it stands. That is called the rule of law.

Of Presidential Candidates and Running Mates

This has been a very interesting week for Malawi. After a game of hide and seek, the presidential contenders have finally revealed their hands and declared their running mates.
I must confess I have been gripped by the events as they have unfolded this week. It is moments like these that I miss being at home.
Just my two tambala's worth on the process:
1. I feel the electoral commission needs to come up with a better system of submissions for the presidential candidates. as the system currently stands, it gives a slight (emphasis intended) to the candidate that is last to present their nomination papers. Considering the secretive nature of these processes, the candidate who presents their papers last has a chance to change his/her ticket as a response to the choices of the earlier candidates.They could all come together and present their papers at the same time (am sure there are ways to prevent chaos and any violence in such circumstances - wasn't this the way it was done in 1994?)
2. Talking of secrets, I have been bemused by how all the major parties not only stage-managed the selection of their presidential candidates, but also how they have been united in the secretive nature of choosing their running mates. wouldn't it be better for the candidates to go to their conventions and contest for the presidential ticket with a running mater already in place? this way, a very strong candidate does not end up choosing their son / wife / brother etc as their running mate.
3. As regards the candidature of former President Muluzi, that is now up to the Electoral Commission now to make a decision. Suffice it to say my own interpretation of section 83(3) - the presidential term limits is influenced less by the letter of the law and more by the 'spirit' behind the provision. But even looking at the letter of the law, I fail to read : a "Maximum of two consecutive terms" in any other way but to say a maximum of two terms, one following the other. No more.
Otherwise, I feel we have a strong field of candidates, all of whom in my view have the qualities to lead our beautiful country. The field of running mates is equally strong, and all of them are patriotic Malawians that can step into the shoes of the presidency if required. No one will have an excuse for not going to exercise their right to vote.
I just hope the candidates will demonstrate a level of maturity in the campaign and focus on issues rather than character assassination. It is time our democracy is built around issues, not personalities or emotions. May the best team win!

No Justification for High Petrol Prices in Malawi

It is not every day that I agree with former President, Bakili Muluzi. Looking back, I can only recall only one moment when I publicly agreed with a decision of his - sending a couple of Malawi Army Helicopters to help in the humanitarian efforts during the devastating Mozambican floods of early 2000.

Be that as it may, I must say I agree wholeheartedly with Muluzi’s recent calls for a reduction in fuel prices in the country and only wish more people joined him on this crusade to compel the government to take action on the crippling and yet unjustifiable high prices of petrol in Malawi.

The rationale behind the demand for fuel price reductions is simple and straightforward. In June this year, the price of a barrel of crude oil on the international market peaked at a whopping $147 a barrel (approximately 159 litres). Understandably, the pump price for petrol products across the world skyrocketed. In Malawi, the pump price for a litre of unleaded petrol shot up to the current K251.20. In neighbouring Zambia, the same was selling at ZK9,646 (equivalent to about MK 420) a litre. In the United States, the cost of a gallon (about 4 litres) shot up to a record $4.20.

Since the peak of June, the price of oil has plummeted by more than 200 percent. By mid December, a barrel of crude oil was selling at the price of $42 (about K6,300).

In response to the declining prices of oil on the international market, most countries have responded by reducing the price that motorists pay at the pump. In the United States, the pump price for a gallon has fallen to as low $1.42 (about K213 or equal to MK53.25 a litre). And, contrary to the uninformed claims by our Finance Minister, Goodal Gondwe, the price of petrol within the region has gone down as well.

In Zambia the government has reduced the price of petrol twice within the last couple of months. In mid September, the price of unleaded petrol was reduced by nearly ZK 2,000 to ZK 7,691. And on 22^nd December, the Energy Regulation Board recommended another 24% reduction in the cost of petrol, bringing the price down further to K5, 818 for a litre of petrol. Thus all combined, the cost of petrol in Zambia has fallen by about ZK4,000 between September and December this year.

Elsewhere in the region, Mozambique, Energy Minister, Salvador Namburete announced a 10.2 percent cut in the price of petrol in late November in what he claimed to be a response to “the decline in the oil price on the world market”. Meanwhile, across Malawi’s northern border, Tanzania the country’s Energy Minister, Kiraitu Murungi promised in early December that the government would very soon effect “a major reduction in the cost of petrol”.

Malawi, it would appear, is one of the few countries in the region and perhaps the globe, that seems to be bucking this trend of reducing fuel prices. A few weeks back, our Minister responsible for Energy, Ted Kalebe, responded rather casually to calls for a reduction in fuel prices by claiming that the country will have to wait for another two months or so before a decision is made on whether to reduce the price of petrol or not. And recently, Finance Minister Goodal Gondwe has come out to state that there won’t be any reductions in the near future, giving as an explanation, the unfounded and erroneous argument that other countries in the region have not reduced their prices. What a lie from an otherwise capable custodian of the national purse.

For a country that is as landlocked as ours, oil drives the economy. The bulk of both our imports and exports are transported by land , which effectively means that our trade costs are significantly affected by oil prices. Locally, the cost of living, from bus fares to basic groceries, are determined by the cost of petrol at the pump.

If we are serious about attracting investors, we need to be more proactive, especially in current economic circumstances when there is cut throat competition for investment. By being slow to respond – or indeed, as is the case, not responding at all - we might make some quick gain from the extra revenue that innocent motorists and other consumers of fuel products have to pay and yet pay a heavy price for dissuading potential investors from coming into Malawi.

At the end of the day, I would argue that the system for determining fuel prices in this country is archaic and not at all suited to a 21^st century economy. Considering that we are at the mercy of global market forces, let us come up with a mechanism that would lead to the automatic adjustment of prices (both upwards and downwards) in accordance with these global market trends.

The whole set up of having uniform pump prices across the length and breadth of Malawi also needs to be reviewed. I would contend that we need to abandon the whole idea of setting a uniform national price when it is very clear that the cost of shipping oil to all corners of the country differs from place to place. Again, Zambia already has a differential price formula depending on location of the country’s major towns.

As for the larger Malawi public, it is perhaps a reflection of our timidity and inability to challenge those entrusted with exercising government power on our behalf that they act with so much impunity and arrogance. The Ted Kalebes and Goodal Gondwes of this world know that the majority of us will suffer in silence that they can give the flimsiest excuses for not reducing the fuel prices.

While not putting my own country down, I can say with certainty that the excuses given by our leadership to not reducing prices would not be accepted in neighbouring Zambia where the people are more engaged and take particular interest in government decisions and demand credible explanations for decisions that affect their lives. And they don’t come any higher than prices of petrol.

A 36 Hour Road Trip to Johannesburg

The departure point was most unusual for a resident of Zomba: Mangochi. And the coach was leaving at 6 am, which meant setting off from Zomba at 3:30 am. Although I was at Mangochi boma by 05:30 am, this was somewhat late as the bus was almost full by this time, meaning there was no choice in terms of what seat to get. In the end, I had to squeeze in at the back of the coach - in what was perhaps one of the few seats that had enough leg room.

For a bus leaving Malawi, you would be forgiven for thinking the main language would be Chichewa or at least English. But Mangochi is no ordinary place- it is the heart of the Yao nation. And befitting this status, the language of communication was also Yao. I therefore had to rely on the two gentlemen sitting next to me at the back seat to give me translations whenever there was communication from the crew. I must say I was impressed with the near universal communication in Yao among my fellow passengers. Here are a people, some of whom mostly live in South Africa, who don’t need any “Mulhako” to preserve their mother tongue.

Before departure, the conductor asked for a prayer and a lady in the middle of the bus gave a rather lengthy one and then we were on our way by 6:09 am. An hour into the journey, the crew passed around (lunch?) boxes of a cold meal of chicken and chips and a bottle of fanta. This turned out to be the only meal served on what was to turn out to be a 36 hour journey!

Three hours after leaving Mangochi, we arrived at Mwanza border. The crew gave instructions on the immigration procedures (in Yao of course). If one had no receipts for any foreign currency purchases, they had to include a fifty South African Rand folded in their passport to get an exit stamp. The same amount was also required for anyone using a new passport. It turns out that most people who travel on this route are individuals who previously overstayed in South Africa and process new passports (mostly with new names) when they come back to Malawi.

Anyway, although I had not carried my forex receipts, I didn’t include the required R 50 in my passport. Thankfully, the immigration officer didn’t ask me any questions and duly stamped my passport. However, on getting back to the bus, there was a group of four or five “officers” (not uniformed) at the door of the bus, checking the passports again for the receipts. If there was none, they would retain the passport on the door and ask the individuals to register their names with someone on the bus to whom R 50 would be paid to get their passports back. Again, my luck held and I was spared the ordeal.

My luck run out though as soon as we arrived at Zobwe border post onthe Mozambican side. Each passenger on the bus is required to pay R 17 for a Mozambique transit visa (perhaps the only country in the world that has such a dubious payment in addition to the standard road fees). After paying the fee, I was told my passport has a problem – I had committed the “crime” of having visited Tanzania “or Kenya or Uganda”, for which I was required to show a yellow fever vaccination certificate or “be refused entry” into Mozambique. A R100 payment to the immigration officer was required to get rid of the problem. And so, the first of the money that I thought I had saved for traveling by road went to the Mozambican immigration.

The journey from Zobwe to the town of Moatize, just before crossing the Zambezi river in Mozambique was perhaps the most difficult of the entire journey. The road is full of potholes and the bus has to go slow as the driver tries to manoeuvre around them. It is perhaps ironic that a country that looks for all manner of excuses to charge travelers fails to maintain its road network.

After some five hours of continuous traveling, we arrived at Nyamapanda border post at 15:30 in the afternoon. There was the usual long queue for the processing of exit visas on the Mozambican side plus the usual monetary requirements. Again, to get the necessary exit stamp without showing the forex bank receipts, a payment was required. I thus duly folded a R 20 note in my passport and gave it to one of the coach crew members to process. Given the lengthy queue, I must say it was R 20 well spent, as it spared me the ordeal of the hustling and jostling on the lengthy queue exit Mozambique. For that price, I also managed to move on to the Zimbabwe side of the border before another long queue formed on that side.

things are bad in Zimbabwe, and this is obvious from the numerous road signs and warnings about the need to be extra vigilant about the cholera epidemic there, the constant flow of people from Mozambique and South Africa into Zimbabwe carrying all manner of commodities etc. But, despite all those challenges, there is a positive story to tell from my trip: Zimbabwe is the only country where I didn’t have to pay any bribes to get both an entry and exit visa. The Zimbabwe immigration officers at Nyamapanda and Beitbridge were also among the quickest to process visas so much that there were never any queues at either end of the border- both on my outward and returning trips.

By the time we left Nyamapanda, it was already 6:30 pm in the evening. As a result, we saw very little of Zimbabwe country side. We reached Harare around 21:30 hours. We drove on throughout the night and arrived at Beitbridge at 05:30 am on Sunday.

We got out of Zimbabwe without any further drama only to find an extraordinarily long queue on the South African side of the border. To make matters worse, there were groups of frequent travellers who jumped the queue at will, so much that although we were in the middle of the long queue on arrival, it turned out that we were at the tail end by the time it was our turn to get our entry visas processed.

And more money flowed at Beitbridge. Individuals who had previously overstayed in South Africa were told in advance by the coach crew to get ready to pay anything between R 400 and R 600 or indeed more. On my part, I was again required to pay for my sins of having been to Tanzania – another payment of R 100.

In the end, and after a five hour long wait on the Beitbridge queue, everyone enters South Africa. Some were required to pay more than a thousand Rands, depending on the lengthy of their previous overstay in South Africa. The Beit Bridge immigration officials must be some of the wealthiest people around, no doubt.

The rest of the journey was uneventful. The scenery from Musina town to Polokwane was breathtaking. The road meanders around beautiful green and hilly countryside. It almost makes up for the extraordinarily long and tiring journey. We pass through Pretoria around 17:30 on Sunday afternoon and an hour later, the coach arrives at Johannesburg’s Park Station, thirty-six and half hours after leaving Malawi. I am naturally tired and look forward to a night’s rest before proceeding to Namibia the next day – thankfully, by air.

Was the journey worth it? The return coach ticket costs MK 31,500 while the quotation from Air Malawi for a return air ticket from Blantyre to Johannesburg was about MK 73,000. One therefore makes a saving of around K 40,000 on the ticket alone by travelling by road. After this journey, I can hold my hands up and say the savings made by traveling by road are honestly not worth the bother. The long hours on the road, added to the numerous payments one has to make, are worth more than the K 40,000 price differential.

Sadly, having committed myself to traveling by road, I also had to make the return trip – this time, of some 31 hours. Again, interspaced by lengthy queues at border posts and all manner of unusal payments.

In the end, this will in all probability be the last trip by coach

on this route. I might travel by road again – although this will most likely be by car. And then one can take in the scenery and the beauty of the country side. Otherwise, for anyone who is not prepared to go through the hustle, I would say: fly, it’s cheaper in the end.

President Barack Obama

History has been made. Barack Obama has been elected President of the United States of America and will on January 20^th, 2009, become the 44^th President of the USA and only the first African American to hold that high office.

I watched the election retains with my great friend, Blessings Chinsinga in Zomba. We shouted, clapped and thoroughly enjoyed what turned out to be a historic night. If we, who were thousands of miles away from the USA could get so excited and worked up, we can only imagine the emotions that my family and friends in the USA must have been going through, not to mention what the Obama family and the crowds in Chicago must have been experiencing.

Zomba is as excited this morning as the rest of the world about Obama’s victory. I spoke to my Grandfather in Neno this morning and he asked me about the elections in the US where he had heard “munthu wakuda akuima pachisankho”. When I told him Obama, that munthu wakuda, had won, he asked me to extend an invitation to Obama to come and visit. That just touched me to think that even my Grandfather in rural Neno was following this historic election. In his moving acceptance speech, Obama spoke to people beyond the US’ shores “huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world”- he must have been speaking to the likes of my Grandfather. This was a truly global election and has demonstrated the opportunities available to those who work hard for them. I wish him a successful presidency in the years ahead.

Zambian Politics after Mwanawasa

My arrival in Zambia on September 6th came exactly four days after the burial of President Levy Mwanawasa, who died on August 19th in France after suffering a stroke some two months previously. Flags flew at half post and the city was decorated with posters showing the late president.
During my three weeks in the city, newspapers and local television showed pictures of individuals and groups going to lay wreaths on Mwanawasa’s grave. It was a moving and sombre experience for Zambians, as Mwanawasa is the first of the country’s three Presidents to die.

In one interesting twist of events, Mwanawasa had pre-recorded a video message addressed to Zambians thanking them for attending his funeral. In the message, which was recorded in 2005 and broadcast on national television after the funeral, Mwanawasa points out that his actions were always motivated for the good of Zambia. The message ended with Mwanawasa saying he gave his best for Zambia until death and thanked all those who came to his funeral and condoled his family for making their grief easier. On a continent where some of our leaders think they ought to remain in office for ever, this message was not only moving, but also singled out Mwanawasa as one of the rare breed of politicians that thought about their own mortality and prepared for it in advance.

The end of the mourning period also marked the official start of the campaign to choose Mwanawasa’s successor. The elections are scheduled for October 30^th, to elect Mwanawasa’s successor. The main contenders are Rupiah Banda who for the ruling MMD; the veteran Michael Sata for the Patriotic Front and the youthful Hakainde Hichilema for the United Party for National Development (UPND).

Talk on the street though is split. As Acting President, Banda, aka “RB”, is benefitting from the privileges of incumbency, including access to state resources for the campaign. Meanwhile, all manner of individuals, including Zambia’s first President, Kenneth Kaunda, have thrown their support behind Banda, who, at the age of 72, has been involved in Zambian politics for decades. Indeed, in the early days of the campaign, some overzealous individuals went as far as proposing that all Zambian political parties should endorse him to serve the country the need of going through yet another election.

On his part, Sata, who had mounted a formidable campaign against the late Mwanawasa in 2006, continues to draw a lot of support in the urban areas of Lusaka and the Copperbelt. However, people think of him as a “wounded Cobra”, having suffered a massive heart attack earlier in the year. Given the death of Mwanawasa, some Zambians are understandably wary of electing an individual whose health is in doubt. With both Banda and Sata over the 70s, the youthful Hichilema (aka HH), is the young blood in the elections. However, the UPND is struggling to shed off the perception of being a ethnic based party which will hamper HH’s ability to appeal beyond the southern province.

Meanwhile, it appears Mwanawasa’s status and legacy continue to grow even in death. All the major presidential candidates are framing their election campaign messages around who is best placed to continue with Mwanawasa’s legacy. Perhaps the biggest indication of this new fight for an heir to Mwanawasa was reflected in Michael Sata’s assertion in an interview with the Post Newspaper that he is the only person who was privileged to be told the vision of the late Mwanawasa in a two hour discussion earlier in the year. All will be decided on October 30^th.

The View From Lusaka Part I: Getting around the City

THE flight from Blantyre to Lusaka on Air Malawi's ATR 42 on Sunday, September 6th 2008 was filled to capacity - and we even managed to depart Chileka 15 minutes early. I was happy to see that despite all the talk about Air Malawi's privatization, the company's business has not been badly affected. Air Malawi's ATR 42 at Chileka Airport before departure for Lusaka, Sept. 6th, 2008

Lusaka., I have to admit, is a city on the move- upwards. The road network has improved significantly in the fourteen years when I was last in the Zambian capital. Courtesy of a grant from the Japanese Government, the Great East road that takes visitors from the Airport into the center of town, has been transformed into a well lit dual carriage way all the way into town. The main townships too have had their roads linking them to the town centre well attended to. Only the smaller road networks within the townships are yet to undergo a similar facelift and continue to have the usual potholes.

Great East Road into downtown Lusaka

To match the new road infrastructure, Lusakans have been buying the vehicles. The traffic jams in the mornings and evenings give the impression that even after expanding the capacity of the roads, the capital requires an even more ambitious road expansion programme. While the majority of the vehicles are the usual Japanese reconditioned imports, there are also a number of super rich Lusaka residents that are driving some of the more posh models on the market. In my three weeks in the cit, I spotted three Hammers as well as a couple of Jaguars and other luxury brands.

All this is against a background of some of the highest gas prices in the region. at the time of my arrival in early September, a litre of Lusaka petrol was costing a hefty K9,646 (equivalent to about MK 420 or just under US$ 3). This was nearly twice the Malawi price of K251. however, during my third week in Zambia, the government announced new fuel prices that brought the price down by ZKW 1,800 to around ZKW 7,800 per litre of petrol- about MK 355 or $2.20. Even at the reduced prices, filling up an average tank of 45 litres in Lusaka still costs not less than $100, a factor that is forcing a good number of people to leave their cars at home and get to work on the Lusaka minibuses.

Talking of minibuses, I was equally impressed that our colleagues in Zambia have introduced measures to bring some order and sanity to the minibus business. All minibuses (and taxis) are by law required to be painted blue, and have gadgets installed that restrict their maximum speed to 80 km per hour. This, I am told, has dramatically reduced the number of ‘silly’ road accidents that used to claim a lot of innocent lives. For the visitor, the single colour code for minibuses and taxis means it is easy to spot a commercial minibus or taxi.

The Blue minibuses of Lusaka: perhaps not politically neutral in Malawi?

Besides transport, the indications of a city on the up are also evident in the number of new buildings that are coming up all over the city. From hotels, residential houses to the eponymous fences, it appears everyone in Lusaka is building. Property value too has gone up, with an undeveloped 10 acre piece of land selling for the princely sum of ZK 350,000,000 ($100,000)

The only place where things appear not to be moving is the University of Zambia, which had been closed since end July over a pay dispute between lectures and management. The buildings do look aged and can use some freshening up. From a purely selfish view, the closure of UNZA was a blessing in disguise, as the library was less busy and more conducive to some serious study on my part.

UNZA main library

*Dedicated to my wonderful hosts in Lusaka, Evarlisto and Cynthia Simwinga and their family, who welcomed me into their home and extended to me the famed African hospitality that makes me proud to be African.

Ode to Respicious Dzanjalimodzi, MP

I cannot claim to have known the late Respicious Dzanjalimodzi well. Apart from a few mostly business meetings, I never knew the man on a personal level. But from the little I knew of him, he came across as that rare breed of politician, a man who gave the impression he found himself in politics by mistake.

One memory from the few encounters we ever had was over the weekend of May 18^th-21^st, 2006 back in mid 2006 at Hippo View Lodge, Liwonde. Together with other political party representatives, we had gathered to deliberate on the Discussion Paper that had been prepared by the Law Commission for the Constitutional Review Conference, held in Lilongwe the previous month of May.

Among the more controversial issues that were raised at the National Conference, and taken up again at the Liwonde workshop was the question of whether we should include a provision in our constitution setting a maximum age limit as well as minimum education qualifications for the office of State President. From my interactions at the National Conference, it struck me as odd that the younger leadership of the various political parties were not supportive of either proposal yet they stood to gain the most as such provisions would have opened up the opportunity for them not only to lead their parties, but also have a crack at the national state leadership itself.

Yet, despite the obvious benefits to the younger group of politicians, I detected a sense of unwillingness for many political party representatives at the conference to be seen to be publically supporting a proposal that threatened the right of the older crop of political leaders to contest for the highest post in the land. To get around the problem and get the real personal views of the political representatives at the Liwonde workshop, we therefore proposed that we should also administer anonymous questionnaires to elicit individual views on the more sensitive issues.

The findings in many respects, confirmed my suspicions: in many instances, the consensus positions in the open plenary sessions tended to diverge from the individual views captured in the questionnaire survey. Anyway, that is of course, another long story. But why I remember this workshop with respect to the late Resicipious Dzanjalimodzi is not about the findings, but rather, his openness and willingness to stand up and be counted.

The late Respicious was one of the few frank politicians at the gathering, sometimes supporting a position at odds with the majority of his fellow MCP participants. More importantly, he was also the only participant who voluntarily appended his name to the filled-in questionnaire. For a party whose leadership is among that category of long serving individuals, Dzanjalimodzi not only supported the proposal for the introduction of an even lower maximum age limit of 65 for presidential candidates, but also advocating for the introduction of a minimum of a Bachelors Degree for presidential and parliamentary aspirants.

Sadly, he is no more, having succumbed to a sudden illness while on holiday in South Africa on Thursday, August 14^th, 2008 and tragically followed by his mother who died while people were holding his wake. Malawi could use more of such frank and open politicians. Unfortunately, there are not that many around. May his soul rest in peace.

Back home, same old political issues.

How time truly flies! It is already more than a month since I landed back in good old Malawi. As always, it is great to be back home, to meet old friends, family etc. Life at home is the same, attending this wedding and that; this funeral; a couple of workshops and more.

On the political front, I must say it is much better to see the reality on the ground, which I have to admit, is less gloomy than the picture we get on Nyasatimes from the diaspora. I recall a recent e-mail discussion before I left the US that I had had with my good friend and contributor on Malawi to Africa Confidential, Nick Wright. While I expressed worry about the developments on Malawi as reported in the media, Nick pointed out that he also gets the same feeling but when he travels to Malawi, always finds the reality to be different.

What this suggests is that the news that filters through to our brothers and sisters in the disaspora is usually gloomier than the situation on the ground. Yes, we are afflicted with our fair share of political problems, but these are nothing new and pale in comparison to the situation in Zimbabwe for instance.

I mean the current jostling between the government and the opposition in and outside Parliament is not itself new. Take the following paragraph from a paper I presented to the Norwegian Embassy on July 9^th, 2005, a good three years ago, to illustrate my point:

"…Political tension abounds that threatens to spiral out of control… deliberations in the National Assembly convey a picture of a house out of control. The main protagonists – the government and the opposition- meanwhile continue to spurn all efforts at reconciliation. The wider public is getting restless and has already showed displeasure at the current political developments by organizing street demonstrations. Not surprisingly, donors have been jittery and the future is uncertain."

Does that sound familiar? Well, what I wrote in 2005 remains true today, but for the fact that the tension never spiralled out of control, even if a solution is yet to be found. What I can say then is that the current political wrangles in Malawi are nothing new and we should perhaps not be too pessimistic about the future.

Travelling Home

This weekend, I will be traveling to mother Malawi where I will be working from for a coupole of months. I must say I am excited to be getting back home after another year of sojourning in this part of the world.
It promises to be a great time to be in Malawi, to observe political events as they unfold. I hope to be sharing my thoughts and take on political events at home on this forum.
While I am excited to be traveling home, I will miss the US presidential campaign and will also be missing the elections in November. And while I will be returning to the US after the November elections, this will unfortunately also mean that I will be missing the Malawi elections of May next year. for one who thrives in the heart of politics, this double miss is going to be a pain, but I will make sure to follow developments in whatever way I can. for all my friends in Malawi, see you soon.

Obama's Speech on securing the Majority Delegates for the Democratic Party Nomination

Quote:
“After 54 hard-fought contests, our primary season has finally come to an end... because you decided that change must come to Washington, because you believed that this year must be different than all the rest, because you chose to listen not to your doubts or your fears, but to your greatest hopes and highest aspirations, tonight we mark the end of one historic journey with the beginning of another, a journey that will bring a new and better day to America. Because of you, tonight I can stand here and say that I will be the Democratic nominee for the president of the United States of America." link here for a full text of the speech


'

Why Did the Chicken Cross the Road in Malawi?

BAKILI MULUZI: Fotseki, I will not accept this nonsense. Anakuuzani ndani kuti ndiri ndi khola la nkhuku ine? The law is clear: Chickens cannot cross the road unless they pay the penalty. So how dare they cross the road? We will not allow our remaining chickens to discuss anything else until this chicken comes back, asaaa.

JOHN TEMBO: Tambala ameneyu ngwanga uyu. I cannot allow it to cross the road. The standing Orders of this House are very clear: no chicken can cross the road. The Constitution too says it clearly: any chicken that cross the road has to be to be eaten and we will not accept any injunctions to prevent us from consuming this stray chicken.

BINGU wa MUTHARIKA: The chicken crossed the road because he realised he cannot live among the animals on that side of the road. These people need to be shaken up, we will continue encouraging the chickens on their side to cross the road, no more Mr. Nice Guy. We have an open door policy on this side of the road, any chicken that wants development is welcome.

GOODAL GONDWE: whether the chickens from the other side decide to come or not, I will present the budget to the chickens that have already crossed the road.

ISHMAEL CHAFUKIRA: How dare the Chief chicken call us "Wild Animals"? We are scared and will not attend his functions.

LOVENESS GONDWE: pambere tindambe kudumba makani gha munyumba yino, SIPIKA wakwenera kuchimbizga nkhuku zose izo zambuka msewu kuluta silya linyakhe.

NIC HOLAS DAUSI: The Gallus domesticus navigated to this side of
the
highway because it is cognisant that the populace are bifurcated by bogus dogmas. As the presidential advisor on national unity, I say that these bilocurar divisons are not good for this country. This is why I myself decided to cross the highway and these new roosters are welcome to follow my lead

STEVE SHARRA: These roads are not legitimate anyway. They are an imperialist creation that hide the common u-nkhuku in us all. It is good this chicken has broken the yoke and crossed the road.

PATRICIA KALIYATI: @xy@^*!x@! Chamba eti? What chicken would not cross the road when that side is infested with chitopa? The chicken is running away kuopa kuphedwa. Mwaona kwatsala nkhuku iri yonse that side of the road? All that is left there ndi zilombo zokha-zokha. @$#!

JOSEPH NKASA: Nkhuku ya lero, nkhuku ya lero, ndi Mutharika…

GORGE NTAFU: This is not a chicken, ndi galu disguising itself as a chicken. It has to kicked out. We cannot have agalu in this House.

BONIFACE DULANI: what is worrisome is that the movement of chickens is in one direction. This is typical of Big Chicken type of politics. The Big Chicken on the other side is providing a lot of chicken feed to induce the chickens to cross the road.

*with acknowledgements to Wilson Ndovie for beefing up the entry. Yebo.

Personal Musings on the song "Mose wa Lero"

Mose walero-di?

The more I think about Joseph Nkasa's hit song Mose wa Lero, the more my thoughts drift towards the old adage that "Dictators are not born - they are made".

The thought of portraying any living being (particularly of the political kind) to the biblical Moses strikes me as bordering on the blasphemous. But it is not for me to be judgmental and assume that if I see no god-like qualities in Mutharika, then it should also follow that others should not. So If Nkasa and others out there feel Mutharika (or any of other Malawian political leaders - Bakili Muluzi, John Tembo, Aleke Banda etc) have assumed ethereal qualities, then they are entitled to their opinion.
I must confess I admire the sounds of the song, and particularly the pointed criticism of the Muluzi regime without ever mentioning the former President by name. While Muluzi himself has recently been critical of the Malawi public for having short memories, the lyrics of Mose wa Lero remind us that Muluzi should perhaps be grateful Malawians have such short memories- otherwise he would not even be contemplating to run for a further third term for the office of president in 2009. While Muluzi would like to portray his ten year reign as the golden age of politics in Malawi, Nkasa reminds us, in very short and concise language, of the many vices of that regime.

"Kumene tichokera mukudziwako…

Kodi kapena mufuna mukumbutsidwe

dziphinjo zomwe zinali muno

Kanthawi komweka mwaiwala……

Chachilendo ndichani tikaone

tikabwelera pambuyo ife…

Mafumu kumsonkhano kunyetsedwa...

azimayi kuvulidwa ma half panja……

Anthu akalira kuti zinthu zadula, umva ndilibe sitolo ine…

Tabwera ndichimanga tikugawilani

ndi K50 yogayisira....

Msonkhano usanathe kuitana shoveri,

usakhale pano zibanduka

Chimanga chomwechi nchomwe tikaonetse

ku Mzimba ku Hola uko…."

Thus far, Nkasa does a wonderful job of reminding us of the excesses and political opportunism that became the hallmark of the Muluzi era (all within a fine danceable beat!). It calls us all to be sceptical of promises made by self-seeking politicians.

However, having done such a brilliant job in exposing failings of the past regime, Nkasa embarks on a new politicking that seeks to portray Mutharika as the new Moses – Mose wa Lero. What follows is a glorification of Mutharika, that builds on what are essentially three themes: ending hunger, new infrastructure projects and foresighted leadership:

Mose walero Mose wa lero ndi Mutharika….

Waliphula dziko pamoto….

Nthaka yotembeleledwa ija yadalitsidwa

Nkhani ya njala ndi nyimbo yakale…

Ntchito za manja ake zikumuchitira umboni

Mdala wamasomphenya mtsogoleri

Nkasa is right that the Mutharika presidency has done a wonderful job in initiating several infrastructural projects. Although some road projects such as the Karonga-Chitipa road, the new Dowa road, the Nsanje road etc are yet to get off the ground, the new Ntchisi, Jali and Nkhoma roads, as well as maintenance works of urban roads, are signs in the right direction. This is an area that the Muluzi presidency failed miserably despite collecting millions of Kwachas through the road levies, money that often ended up lining the pockets of corrupt politicians.

However, given the recent reports of pockets of hunger in the country in a year when hundreds of thousands of tonnes of maize have been exported to Zimbabwe, Nkasa's argument that "nkhani ya njala ndi nyimbo yakale…"- hunger is a thing of the past- is an overstatement.

While thus far Nkasa has served as an apt commentator of Malawi politics, even if in some cases he overstates the Mutahrika achievements, he then moves into an arena that I find to be very presumptuous on his part. We are told that:

Mulungu walisekelera dziko…akukondwelera ndi utsogoleri wa Mutharika…

I find this to be an extraordinary revelation: not because Nkasa holds the opinion that Mutharika is doing a good, but the implication that the Almighty is equally approving and pleased with the Mutharika presidency. In stating that, Nkasa would have us all believe that he has the extraordinary ability to decipher who God is pleased with these days. It is one thing to state that Mutharika's works are all there to bear witness to his good deeds, but yet another to turn into an interpreter of divine thought. One assumes then that Nkasa's statement that he will soon be changing name to "Joseph Nkasa Mutharika" implies that he wants to become the son of this new deity.

While in Mose wa Lero, Nkasa has the history on his side to offer a sound criticism of the Muluzi era, I am afraid he does not have adequate comparable basis to make a sound judgement on Mutharika. Yes, I am aware that there is some tentative evidence to suggest we are going in the right direction on the economic front as well as in the creation of new infrastructure – but in acknowledging these achievements, we should not overlook the many failings in the current administration, especially on the political and rule of law front.

The increasing tendency to overlook constitutional provisions (in the appointment of government officers, treatment of legislators who abandon the platform on which they sold themselves to the electorate at election time, conventional traditions in the appointment of electoral officials), using government machinery to attack opponents and critics alike, using the public media to spin government propaganda that borders on inciting hatred of the worst kind are all examples of behaviour that to me does not come anywhere near the god-like image that is peddled in Mose wa Lero. Again, any review of our history would show that the Banda government made some commendable achievements in terms of economic performance (in the early years) as well as in term of infrastructure. Professor King's Phiri's recent essay in the Daily Times marking the re-introduction of Kamuzu Day offers a clear testament to this. However, notwithstanding all such achievements, Banda's presidency was marked by some of the worst cases of human rights abuses that to many, overshadowed the economic and infrastructural successes of his era.

It should be obvious that as much as I applaud Nkasa for doing a wonderful job in pointing out the numerous failures of the Muluzi leadership, I am disappointed with his "over praise" of Mutharika that brings to mind what Robert Rotberg (2001) in his introduction to the autobiography of Masauko Chipembere, as one of Chipembere's "fatal misjudgement" – overstating the leadership qualities of Kamuzu Banda by potraying him as a superhuman being with god-like characteristics. By overstating Kamuzu's personality, Chipembere inadvertently unleashed a personality cult that subsequently grew to the point where even Banda himself began to believe he was the superhuman he was said to be. The rest, as they say, is history. Banda assumed the presidency of the Malawi Congress Party in August of 1958 in Nkhatabay on his own terms. Not long afterwards he assumed the life presidency of the MCP, a position which made him the de-facto life president when Malawi assumed Republican status in July 1966 with the MCP as the sole legal party. This was effectively legalized with the constitutional amendment of 1971 making Banda formally Malawi's life president.

The long and short of this is that if people shout at an individual that he is god for long enough , it might eventually get to a point when the concerned individual might start believing that perhaps they are indeed a god, and therefore, infallible. I would venture that this is already being reflected in Mutharika's increasing levels of intolerance and dismissal of criticism, the increasing dictatorial tendencies that are becoming all too evident in the usage of uncompromising language. And listening to the words coming Cabinet Ministers and other DPP-party apparatchiks that embrace the theme of Mutharika as Mose wa Lero, one cannot help but think that we might be headed in the same old path to dictatorship.